Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp
<p>"Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne" to czasopismo naukowe o profilu politologicznym, redagowane w Instytucie Politologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, a wydawane przez Wydawnictwo Uniwersytecie Wrocławskiego. Czasopismo tworzy forum wymiany wiedzy i upowszechniania wyników badań naukowych, prowadzonych przez środowisko politologów w Polsce i za granicą, umożliwia przepływ informacji naukowej między poszczególnymi ośrodkami politologicznymi.</p>Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Wydawnictwo „Szermierz”pl-PLWrocławskie Studia Politologiczne1643-0328Kazimierz Dziubka — Badacz, Mistrz, Organizator, Człowiek
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17189
Adriana Dudek
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-163391310.19195/1643-0328.33.1Przydatność kodu i kodowania jako narzędzia analizy procesu decyzyjnego w polityce zagranicznej
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17190
<div class="page" title="Page 15"> <div class="section"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>This article is an attempt to recognise the cognitive potential of coding categories in the study of foreign policy decision-making. In its second part, selected models and theories of the study of the decision-maker in the foreign policy decision-making process and the possibilities of using the categories of coding and coding in them are signaled.</p> </div> </div> </div> </div>Adriana Dudek
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-1633152910.19195/1643-0328.33.2(De)kodowanie polityki i jej (de)polaryzacja
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17191
<div class="page" title="Page 13"> <div class="section"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>The article examines how humans navigate simplified cognitive schemas and stereotypes, aiding quick decision-making but limiting thorough analysis. Cognitive heuristics exemplify such strategies. The work emphasizes that politics is dynamic, shaped by historical, social, and economic processes, often misunderstood as static by traditional political science. Politics occurs within individuals’ minds as they decode stimuli from their environment, influenced by social contexts and individual experiences. Enactivism highlights political cognition’s embodied subjective nature, challenging efforts to depolarize political landscapes through uniform cognitive frameworks.</p> </div> </div> </div> </div>Damian Bączkiewicz
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-1633314310.19195/1643-0328.33.3Kodowanie rzeczywistości politycznej pojęciem totalitaryzmu
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17192
<div class="page" title="Page 10"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>Coding reality with the use of the term “totalitarianism” can be implemented at various levels. At the highest persuasive level it is consistent with commonly prevailing myths, uses extensive argumentation, and contains essential elements of the definition. At the lowest level it is a mere calumny — an emotional and unjustified epithet. Decoding reality (not only in the case of totalitarianism) can occur by rigorously meeting the requirements of defining and operationalizing concepts.</p> </div> </div> </div>Roman Bäcker
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-1633455410.19195/1643-0328.33.4Konserwatyzm — naród, tradycja, przesąd
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17193
<div class="page" title="Page 20"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>Culture, formed by an infinite number of means, goals, functions, values and patterns of behaviour, is the result of conscious and unconscious social acceptance or lack of acceptance of its elements. Undoubtedly, the language we use creates an image of the world, but it is also a product of the patterns of behaviour and non-verbal signs present in the world of culture. In response to the expansion of individualism and liberal rationalism, conservatism tried to emphasise the existence of that which is collective and unconscious. The Enlightenment brought with it a growing wave of changes in worldviews and customs, perceived by conservatism as a threat to the previous order and eternal values. Conservatism is characterised by an emphasis on the irrational area of forces in the life of the state, where the state is understood as completely supra-rational, subject only to the action of traditionally inherited instincts, spiritual forces, and the spirit of the nation. Social order is the work of the “democracy of the dead”, the sum of proven wisdom, considered opinions, and the experience of many generations. Tradition is the most important factor integrating a community, whose prosperity does not depend on individual achievements of reason (for its potential is limited) but on the intellectual achievements of generations. In this context, social order is shaped by authority, customs, religion, spiritual ties, and traditional family ties — as opposed to force, decrees, ideology, and contractual relationships. It is a common belief amongst conservatives that nationalised education, even if that is not its intended purpose, fulfils the function (not so much from the educational angle, but from a pastoral one) of popularising Enlightenment ideas and forming a “progressive” New Man. In this way, it has become one of the causes of the destruction of culture. The concept of tradition is connected with the concept of prejudice, which is the wisdom of the illiterate. Prejudice, i.e. a judgment made earlier and its institutionalised prescription at the social level, are taken from the authority of tradition. It is the collective wisdom of generations transformed into customs, rituals, norms, rules, institutions, and structures.</p> </div> </div> </div>Konrad Wandowicz
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-1633557410.19195/1643-0328.33.5Język jako narzędzie negocjacji tożsamości w Nakivale. Hybrydowa przestrzeń uchodźców
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17194
<div class="page" title="Page 10"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>I present an analysis of the significance of language in the processes of identity negotiation and community building in Nakivale, one of the largest and oldest refugee camps in the world. Utilizing Homi Bhabha’s theory of hybridization, I demonstrate how language shapes interactions among refugees from diverse cultures. In Nakivale, where more than seven nationalities reside, language plays a crucial role in daily identity negotiations. The hybrid identity, formed in the “third space”, results from complex linguistic and cultural processes. I emphasize that language can both support integration and lead to exclusion if systematic support is lacking. I propose interventions aimed at promoting multilingualism and cultural sensitivity, which can improve the living conditions of refugees in Nakivale.</p> </div> </div> </div>Mateusz Krawczyk
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-1633758410.19195/1643-0328.33.6Cnota bez szczęścia. Rekodowanie przyjaźni jako formacji dyskursywnej
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17195
<div class="page" title="Page 13"> <div class="section"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>In this article we present a critical reception of the place of friendship in ethics of virtues of Aristotle and his interpreters. The aim of the article is to show how the political of friendship is an important element of political thinking if it is correctly conceptualised as a political formation, interacting on three levels: the imaginary geography, epistemic research strategy, and existential experience. The article undertakes a friendly polemic in particular with the way friendship is interpreted in the academic work of Kazimierz Dziubka, to whom we friendly dedicate this work.</p> </div> </div> </div> </div>Mateusz ZielińskiBartłomiej Krzysztan
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-1633859710.19195/1643-0328.33.7 Państwo w „epoce człowieka” — wymiar ontologiczny i epistemologiczny
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17196
<div class="page" title="Page 14"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>The central problem constituting the background of this text is to seek answer to the questions about the main strengths that change the state identity during the long term of its existence and evolution starting from the Holocen Age to Anthropocen. The main problem are the main changes or the driving forces that facilitate the potential of adaption to the real world. Among the effects of driving forces that facilitate the potential of adaptation to the real world which is changing in the long term.</p> <p>It is my main thesis that central position in the processes of evolution and adaptation to the developing world was played by the human being. It means that the main idea of this text is to discuss human abilities to change our living space, forces changing the space, the social structure, and civilizational achievements.</p> <p>The problem addressed in this article is directly related to the relationship between phenomena and occurrences which have been taking place in the real world for generation and which are substantial to the state and its ontological context.</p> </div> </div> </div>Teresa Łoś-Nowak
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-16339911210.19195/1643-0328.33.8Wyścig zbrojeń czy bezpieczeństwo cywilizacji
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17197
<div class="page" title="Page 17"> <div class="section"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>The pressure of current problems, such as migration, local conflicts and wars, arms race, debt, economic growth combined with mass consumption — obscure the main challenge for politicians. This is, firstly, replacing national particularisms with a planetary perspective. And secondly, a slowdown in economic growth (as measured by GDP). This is an analogous path that the mosaic of post-feudal societies previously followed in the second half of the 19th century — professional, class, regional, and national awareness must be enriched with integration at the level of counteracting the planetary crisis. Without overcoming nationalism, with its xenophobia, worship of mystified traditions, as well as eliminating development disproportions between regions of the world, the security of civilization will not be possible.</p> </div> </div> </div> </div>Tadeusz Klementewicz
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-163311312910.19195/1643-0328.33.9Erozja demokracji liberalnej w Polsce po 2015 roku
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17198
<div class="page" title="Page 14"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>The admiration for liberal democracy as a future of postcommunist states has gone irretrievably. Its crisis has been discussed more and more often. The search for alternative solutions (more adjusted to the post-communist conditions) continues. Such notions as erosion or regression of liberal democracy, democratic backsliding or autocratization seem to reflect more properly the political reality of at least some of East European countries. The aim of this article is on the one hand the analysis of the semantic categories used in description of political processes occurring in such countries as Hungary and Poland, and on the other picture of peculiar features of Poland, which may be treated as an example of “advanced erosion” and “incomplete autocratization”.</p> </div> </div> </div>Andrzej Antoszewski
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-163313114410.19195/1643-0328.33.10Birmańskie kody polityczne. Kontynuacja i zmiana
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17201
<div class="page" title="Page 11"> <div class="section"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>The civil war in Myanmar/Burma, now entering its final stage, is interesting not only due to domestic political, regional, economic, and strategic reasons. Its metapolitical stake lies in the question which Burmese vision of politics will prevail: the traditional authoritarian “argument of order” or more freedom-oriented “argument of liberation”. At the background there is a profound societal change that took place in Myanmar in the last fifteen years, a change that reinterprets traditional Burmese political codes.</p> </div> </div> </div> </div>Michał Lubina
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-163314515510.19195/1643-0328.33.11W kokonie państwa narodowego. Granice w dyskursie współczesnego ruchu narodowego w Polsce
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17204
<div class="page" title="Page 11"> <div class="section"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>The aim of this article is to analyse the essence and concept of the border in the discourse of the contemporary national movement in Poland. The term “national movement” includes groupings that refer to the traditions of the Polish national camp from the period of the Second Republic of Poland. Contemporary nationalists, observing the transformations taking place in the world, seek to legitimize existing borders. They justify them by demonstrating the role of the nation-state in international relations and by treating sovereignty as a value that cannot be divided or graded.</p> <p>While a certain attempt to redefine their assumptions can be discerned in recent years, the basic axioms remain intact. Among other things, the young nationalists include in their reflections the process of globalization, which results in a weakening of the role of borders in the terms of international law. They emphasize, however, that borders transform and modernize but do not disappear: “just as human nature, which is its origin and raison d’être, does not disappear”.</p> </div> </div> </div> </div>Grzegorz Radomski
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-163315716710.19195/1643-0328.33.12Kody polityki naukowej w myśli decydentów reformujących system nauki i szkolnictwa wyższego w Polsce
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17205
<div class="page" title="Page 11"> <div class="section"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>The purpose of this article is to reconstruct the basic cognitive codes underlying the political activities related to the reforms of the science and higher education system in Poland from 2007 to 2023. I argue that regardless of the political affiliation of the minister in charge of this department, the activated codes had identical provenance and stemmed from specific structural conditions, including the fetishization of scientometrics, the culture of imitation characterizing the periphery’s attitude towards the center, and the apologia of the New Public Management. I analyze the legal acts and their justifications, the statements of ministers, and the social media debate on the reforms.</p> </div> </div> </div> </div>Przemysław Żukiewicz
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-163316917910.19195/1643-0328.33.13Polityka i media w krajach regionu bałkańskiego: dynamika zmian systemów medialnych
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17206
<div class="page" title="Page 12"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>The new post-Yugoslav countries had to build their own independent statehood. Only Slovenia passed the democratization phase relatively easily, but the remaining five countries went through a dramatic war. There are currently visible differences between democratic standards in the region. Eight countries are classified as flawed democracies. Only Bosnia and Herzegovina is classified as a hybrid regime. A negative process was noted in Serbia, Croatia, Bulgaria, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. In recent years North Macedonia, Kosovo, and Montenegro have changed noticeably. The situation is worse in Albania, Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Media systems in the region are still characterized by high dynamics and unpredictability.</p> </div> </div> </div>Bogusława Dobek-Ostrowska
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-163318119210.19195/1643-0328.33.14Idealizacja i dewaluacja Tadeusza Kościuszki, polskiego bohatera narodowego, w kreowaniu rzeczywistości politycznej
https://wuwr.pl/wrsp/article/view/17207
<div class="page" title="Page 13"> <div class="section"> <div class="layoutArea"> <div class="column"> <p>This study presents how political entities of various provenance, with the help of a historical figure and related events, tried to shape political reality through the instrumental use of the model of the Polish national hero Tadeusz Kościuszko for political activities and implementation of various political goals. The chronological reconstruction of the process of idealization and devaluation of Tadeusz Kościuszko illustrates the durability of the forms of celebration and, at the same time, the interpretative capacity of this national hero over the centuries. It also confirms the durability of the cult of the national hero and reformer.</p> </div> </div> </div> </div>Barbara I. Rogowska
Prawa autorskie (c) 2024
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2024-12-162024-12-163319320510.19195/1643-0328.33.15